This is to cast a light raw political time

First, and this before the discussion of background, should be considered the questions raised by precipitation with which passed the device of the High Commissioner for active solidarities. They say a lot about the fragility and volatility of the land on which the President of the Republic feels the greatest: the land policy. The procedure chosen starting point was the experiment. The Fillon Government had decided to test the revenue of active solidarity (RSA) in 34 departments. This preliminary test was of itself. So ingenious and thoughtful that the proposed new system, he enrolled in the lines of the employment policy, as it is designed by France. In particular, his relationship with the premium for employment introduced by Lionel Jospin is obvious. The rest, it was understood that the implementation of the RSA would result in the disappearance of the EPP (what quickly renounced the scenario of the plant to gas). In both cases, it's, kicked of public subsidies to not increase the "cost of labour", to make more attractive paid employment that a system of pure assistance such as RMI itself already invented in 1988 in the spirit of integration (the "I" of RMI).

That, already, we can without hesitation to speak of the unstable character and a point of view, potentially disruptive of the RSA is the ambiguity of this type of construction based on a double refusal to look at things in the face. What is the beneficiary of the grant On the one hand, can be considered that this the unemployed, or the poor worker him will also be eligible for the RSA, but then how justify that such an employee-related income part-time and as agreed by the "solidarity" can approach that of a smicard On the other hand, this will be the company. It will be able to afford such an employee, she needed, without paying the full price. Long live the free market! The key argument put forward is the concern of competitiveness. In this case, that is to say that on behalf of the global market economy, to permit to suspend the law of the market within the nations. This unbridled quest for competitiveness is the brand name not an economy of free trade but its hidden antithesis: the execrable mercantilism.

In summary, the RSA is not not as the beginning of a break with the race without end of the reduction of costs and expenses, which is a race without end to depletion, but as the crowning achievement of the policy in place that it is more efficient. Martin Hirsch does not say anything. At our "La Tribune" colleague, he said: "It took each time to fight the respectable argument that it should have another results in terms of poverty and jobs in France, in the light of the very high level of social spending." The great battle was to show that this investment there was a little different from the others, as capable of producing concrete results for the most disadvantaged and, secondly, to improve the efficiency of social expenditures all. With the RSA, the objective is to reduce poverty and increase the incentive to employment without weighing the cost of labour. "CQFD.

In these conditions, a honest experimentation period was necessary. Assuming that the RSA is able to change the life of a sufficient number of poor households, the question would have been reduced to simple political terms: should waive individual, immediate and tangible, success for the benefit of a vision opening to the entire society (necessarily random) opportunities In addition, the Elysee a little more locked us in our system: the temptation will be irresistible to interpret statistical data available in an optimistic sense. Although light appear the recent comments to Nicolas Sarkozy: If the experiment fails, it will change! But precisely, the Act will change the nature of the initiative. It will become the policy of the Government. A policy is determined, it gets not. Martin Hirsch reveals the end word of history: "trains not returned twice." If it had not been scheduled for 2009, I am not sure that would have been in 2010. "This is to cast a light raw political time. It is more spread over a legislature a program presented to voters and approved by them. Instead, depending on the circumstances, the personal power takes initiatives including distant even compliance with the overall project is problematic. The absence of economic governance joined the political arbitrariness. The constitutional reform promises the powers of the Parliament building. There, about the Bill on the RSA, a discount to be of the majority.

On a still more crucial point regarding the legitimacy of the employment policy, the RSA project devoted close vision on which it is based and not only in France (which is not an excuse). It is as if it was considered the resorption of unemployment and the return to full employment as dependent only of adaptation and flexibility of the job seekers. The problem backwards. A market dynamics comes from the offer, in the case of employers. However, in capitalism as it works under the domination of the financial sphere, companies tend to reduce that to increase their capital base (in the passive sense of the word: permanent resources). It is never the repeated enough: hiring as investments for engine the increase in the resources of the business. In France, medium-sized companies listed on a market buying up their own shares at an accelerated pace. The amount of these redemptions exceeds much raising new capital. How can a market economy healthy development with a fresh capital down market and a labour market where competition is distorted by subsidies! The RSA is problematic, that other reforms roam in Europe under the impetus of utopias conveyed by the Commission, the flexicurity in mind. With the deregulation of the layoffs, unemployment (assumed temporary) employees would be buy-offs generously. As in the Denmark, a country where the tax burden reached all records.